The Hizmet Movement of Canada

By Faruk Arslan

The term social movement refers to ―any sentiment and activity shared by two or more people oriented toward changes in social relations or the social system at any level of social organization” (Garner and Zald,1987: 23). Social movement sectors of the political economy can be affected either by centralized or decentralized governments, and social structures give shape to contentious politics. Political and economical factors spark social movements, because either people are proponents or opponents of current situations and the balance of power in society so that social movements use tactics to target not only their opponents but also attract popular attention to the side with their positions such as individualism, capitalism, and democracy (Bantijes, Alinksy 2007). One of the key tactics of governments is their use to weaken trust between activists, and thus spreading paranoia about surveillance and infiltration to the point where ―it was not repression but internal weaknesses that lead to the decline of the 1960‘s social movement‖ (Bantijes 2007: 103). Religion has seen the source of both protest and legitimization within capitalism, which has striken the relationship between religious violence and political goals for the last two centuries (Robbins, 2008: 303).
I have investigated on both Fethullah Gülen and the movement he initiated in the late 1960s in Turkey, which now has millions of participants and started as a faith-inspired group. It has founded and runs hundreds of modern educational institutions, as well as print and broadcast media outlets and dialogue societies. Gülen is considered one of the most influential Turkish Islamic scholars of his generation with his Sufi-oriented (mystical Islamic) message of love and compassion, is the number one contemporary role model in Turkey, as also in much of the rest of the Muslim world and even non-Muslim countries. In fact, Gülen took first place in the Foreign Policy/Prospect poll of the World’s Top Public Intellectuals in 2008. The author of more than sixty books, Gülen has dedicated a lifetime to promoting peaceful interrelationships within and between different communities, societies, cultures and religious traditions (Ahmed, 2009: Xi). Gülen has changed the movement‘s name from the Gülen Movement to the Hizmet (Service) Movement recently as a new tactic which constitutes trust relationships, the human right-centered godly work of love, compassion, justice, respect and an enhanced quality of life for all of humanity. New tactics have transformed this local social movement to a global social movement that has mushroomed all over the world and is universally accepted.
The movement inspires people across the globe, for the universal values it presents are the values of the Divine that are, through this movement, being transmitted and aspired worldwide, as many objective individuals can find the work of Fethullah Gülen, much like the work of the Dali Lama or Mother Teresa, capturing the heart of many (Jolly, 2010). The relationship between the global political economy and rebellion and resistance is the tragedy of the common practices of many anti-systemic protests such as those of peasants, ecology, indigenous and ethnic groups, and anti-colonial, anti-capitalist and anti-communist movements in peripheral countries (Robbins, 2008: 312).
Gülen has taken lessons from failures, such limitations, internal and external weaknesses and the seditions of past movements to build a strong human rights-based faith-inspired organization on a non-violent and non-contentious basis within civil global society, able to be the model for uncivilized societies and a new phenomenon; however, he wasn‘t aware that he had instigated a revolutionary social movement when he began it. The Hizmet Movement began with promoting solutions to three major problems within Turkey in the 1960s, and it was extended to solve similar problems in other parts of world: ―ignorance (lack of education),‖ ―poverty,‖ and ―disunity,‖ through its model of the promotion of universal education, dialogue and human-centered principles to pursue social justice within late modernity. I will discuss in this research paper the Hizmet Movement of Canada‘s several weaknesses and limitations that affect the long-term achievements of its goals in Canada, such as the lack of government funds for private education, inability to create a Helping Hands Relief of Canada organization to fight poverty, and the hardships that come with assisting Canadian multicultural society that has became a huge ghetto that is hard to unify, and to ultimately establish a collective identity within its socially constructed structure.

I have personally been involved in this movement since the age of 14 and internally observed it as a participant, student, journalist and volunteer. It may be best to begin with defining what the Hizmet Movement is and its location, aim, and theories, and then explain this movement‘s intention briefly. The Hizmet Movement has influenced diverse people in Turkey and abroad, including Canada, by mobilizing inactive energies within a very short time over a large geographical area (over 180 countries including many provinces in Canada) to achieve joint projects of service that millions of people are taking part in from different nations, and it provides peaceful solutions to oppose the clash of civilizations. The Hizmet Movement has formed a large number of organizations operating across economic, political and cultural boundaries in which it circulates and diffuses ideas, information, a new pattern of action, and cultures as it is able to transfer latency into visibility through collective action and services, which are then institutionalized (Cetin, 2009: 104).
Up until the 1960s, the major sources for the sociological understanding of social movements were: the Marxist theory, the Psychological Theory, and the Collective Theory. The Hizmet Movement is, however, a new non-contentious collective action and actors as a socio-cultural phenomenon. Three contemporary approaches may help to understand its action in a wider perspective, namely ‗the political opportunity structure,‘ ‗resource mobilization,‘ and ‗the frame theory‘ as multi-polar approaches. Turkish sociologist Muhammed Cetin (2009) takes sources from resource mobilization theorists who propose a different social psychology perspective, including Gurr (1970); Turner and Killian (1972); Smelser (1963); Byrne (1996); Eyerman and Jamison (1991); whereby American sociologist Helen Ebaugh (2010) uses the Organizational Commitment Theory, which was researched and concocted by the sociologist Rosabeth Kanter in the late 1960s and early 1970s (Ebaugh, 2010:7).

The Political Opportunity Structure studies the impact of structure on collective action, and vice versa. The Resource Mobilization Theory ignores ideology, origin, structure, and political style and sees the emergence and development of movement as arising from the availability and use of resources. The Frame Theory focuses on the role of the shared assumptions and meanings held by actors in interpreting events and redressing problems. The collective action of the movement provides a new horizon and paradigm as it is a gross-root non-governmental organization that has put pressure on the political market indirectly and symbolically with its soft power in democracy domestically and internationally, challenging society through educational initiatives, media organs and network with its stern opposition to violent and coercive means and methods, using intercultural and interfaith dialogue, and
cooperation on projects and services (Cetin, 2009: 107). Education and media are considered to be ‗state apparatuses‘ in neo-Marxist terms and perceived as tools for power and hegemony. The Resource Mobilization theorists from this tradition were influenced by Marxist sociology and their main belief was that injustice faced in capitalist nations could be resolved by protest. In fact, since the 9/11 event, states and city governments have been more vigorous about demonstrations and posed security panicking for any simple case. New legislation, regulations and policies have passed and been implemented to provide more hostile positions toward demonstrations of civil society at the cost of civil liberties (Bantjes, 2007: 368). There has been a big debate going on whether War Drama is losing its tactics or rather helping to intensify the bonuses, or advantages, of demonstrators. There is an emphasis on the idea of media being a sort of a facilitator in transferring messages from one dissatisfied individual to another, allowing the organization of individuals into NGOs (Bantjes, 2007: 85-87).

However, either the Marxist perspective of power and class struggle and using resources for protest, or the Weberian approach of Protestant ethic values are insufficient to explain or describe the Hizmet Movement, concerning which Gülen himself opposed their explanations and defended that it is a self-explanatory phenomena. On the other hand, Gülen has used ―Provos‖ and ―Situationists‖ terms, agreed with Engel‘s predictions of the future concerning the ideal society cycle, Kants‘s social altruism, some of Satre‘s ideas, Pierre Bourdieu‘s habitus, and the implicated social, cultural, capital and professional strata terms by looking at their creative use of tactics and strategies in response to the actions of other political players. In addition, he seeks the ‘Political Opportunity Structure’: political environment, the media, competing NGOs, counter-movements, and the state, and individual responsibility became the center of his attention (Bantjes: 2007: 87- 94). Marxist ideas have been shifted under post modernity and converted by neo-Marxists such as Althusser, Habermas, Foucault, Marcuse, Jameson, David Harvey and Naomi Klein, who have claimed that ―neo-liberalism -or the restructuring of globalism- is not offering more than the current capitalist economic mode of production and political economic system,‖ which supports a few corporate elites to own and create media monopoly. Globalization simply promotes the ―homogeneity and sameness‖ that is associated with Westernization, Americanization, and the new face of colonialism (Harvey, 2005; Klein, 2007).

The Hizmet Movement has emerged to challenge current ideologies, values and structural forces. There are numerous publications about the movement and Gülen himself that were mostly designed for popular consumption and the regular audience, not for the academia. These publications thus lack objective positioning. Berna Turam (2001) had studied the Gülen Movement in McGill University for her PhD and mentioned in her main findings of research contrasts the juxtaposition of Islam and the state in literature: that Gülen creates the alternative pathways of engagements with the state, in which the engagement range is from domestic symbolic politics and negotiations to international alliances. Her thesis examined these engagements in three distinct spheres, i.e. national education, international undertakings and the gender order (Turam, 2001: 1). Turam criticized problematic areas according to feminist theorists and questionable issues, stating that faith inspired movements, ideas, and beliefs are usually categorized within a patriarchal structure, along with masculinity and cultural relativism that are placed under the same categorization process. Westernized feminists have made the critique, using the view of Orientalists, that women stay still as a disadvantaged group in the Hizmet Movement because they seem not to be the front-runners and appointed leaders in the organization structure. Cetin focuses on the motivation for participants that includes spiritual resources and moral values like altruism, which constitute the social capital for the peaceful civil society movement and on how it develops volunteerism, dialog and relationships to achieve shared goals, competiveness and non-materialistic and non-contentious services within the 9 countries that Cetin had studied (Cetin, 2009: 166).

A Turkish counter mobilization called ―White Turk‖ is a powerful elite group that has made several accusations on whether the Gülen Movement is a civic initiative or a civil society movement, debating that it had either arisen as a reaction to a crisis or for the expression of conflict, stating it as either a sect or cult, and/or whether it is a political movement or an altruistic collective action. Cetin answered these questions categorically, defending that the Gülen Movement is not established or struggle-based on reactionary, political or antagonistic interests, nor is it a sect or cult. Cetin uses collective action and the frame theory for the collective consciousness to explain this movement, stating that within its NGOs lies the ability to pursue general goals over the long term; additionally, they have an insusceptibility to escapism, extremism and violence, and in the simplicity of decision-making and mediation, in their efficiency and effectiveness, and in their work ethics within which a variety of interests collaborate (Cetin, 2009:225).

Robbins uses Kant‘s predictions that any society needs social altruism to be elevated to a virtue of high standing and to be built in togetherness with others, towards common goals and ―working hard in the present for a happy future because the world‘s wealth is good enough for all‖ (Robbins, 2008:103), whereby the Hizmet Movement gives hopes of achieving personal sacrifice in the interest of collective actions and altruism and preserving the meaning of human behaviour along with the richness of diversity in a global society (Cetin, 2009:169). However, there is a remaining controversy and public discourse regarding the economical resources that the movement has been using in its activities, the excessive use of which affect the political economy.
An American professor specializing in the Sociology of Religion, Helen Rose Ebaugh examines the financial resources of the movement and sees that it is founded by the controversial Turkish preacher Fethullah Gülen as both an opportunity for the West and a serious alternative to religious extremism after the September 11 event because helping others is the top priority in the movement. Ebaugh states, ―A good person should be educated, uphold moral and ethical values, maintain a relationship with God and assume social responsibility‖ (Daum, 2010). Ebaugh mentioned a wide array of financial contributors belonging to different segments of Turkish society, including industrialists, blue-collar workers, and graduate students to collect over 25 billion dollars (Ebaugh, 2010: 11). The working and middle classes are not the only revolutionary subjects in this movement, although this is seen as a problem for Marxists theorists as Marxist had believed that only the working class would contain true ―revolutionary subjects,‖ whereas the ―capitalistic theory of class struggle, democracy, and the Communism Manifesto‖ have become irrelevant in current society because of over accumulation, advanced technological herds and egoist, self-centered individuals (Marx, Engels, 1986). A neo-liberal economy leads to egoism and self-centred behaviour, and the hybrid hyper-reality in late capitalism is a big dilemma that concerns whether democracy, liberty and individualism promote universal common values or not. Orientalists still see the East as a collective culture of weak idealism and the Western culture as superior to it. This continues to be an unsolved contradiction.

The Hizmet Movement has over two thousand elementary and high schools abroad, nearly two thousand schools in Turkey, and 15 universities in 150 different countries worldwide, while their participants have expressed trust on how their donations were being used and shown a high degree of legitimacy for the movement‘s mission (Ebaugh, 2010:61). The lot of Third World countries have provided school buildings with lesser costs to the movement‘s organizers, despite the Hizmet Movement of Canada has struggled to open private schools in Canada because of the lack of government support. Even since the time in which Canada‘s Confederation was established, official bilingualism has been an important factor in Canadian politics, and Canadian government schools have been used to create the Canadian identity and integrate Canada‘s increasingly heterogeneous peoples‘ free-of-cost mandatory attendance. These schools have begun to be called public schools, and advocates have pushed for greater centralization and bureaucratic control. Without federal involvement, each state and local government can decide the best use of public education dollars, whether it ranges on reducing class sizes or implementing choice programs, although private schools are discouraged to be opened, with the exception of Catholic schools that are privileged and sixteen charter schools available only in Alberta. Public education in Canada is of sole concern to provincial and local governments. I can advice that, as a strategy for the Hizmet Movement of Canada, social action should be focussed on to fight for better education in Canada and promote the American Charter school model. Unlike Canada, there are 390 charter schools in Texas educating more than 90,000 students (Morgan, 2011). The Hizmet Movement of Texas granted to operate 40 charter schools in Texas that have served mostly the segregated Hispanic population located in cities since 2005, and has recently opened, in 2010, a university called the North American College in Houston, Texas, which is highly supported by the Texas government (Perlmeter, 2011).

The Hizmet Movement of Canada‘s first school was opened in Toronto, Ontario and named Nil Academy in 2005, operating with its own community‘s resources to meet the needs for a better education based on the Ontario curriculum. Nil Academy is a private elementary school with experienced staff determined to maximize students’ opportunities for success (Nil Academy, 2011). The school has built its reputation on catering for individual needs and diversity, but its target has not yet been achieved. A second school was opened in Montreal, named Sogut Academy, in 2006 and follows Quebec‘s curriculum. Both schools had opened high schools in 2008 and 2010 and enrolled over 400 students with the additional responsibility for collecting their own funding. The Hizmet Movement‘s schools have segregated themselves to be full of Turkish-originated students only which is unlike the samples of the other Hizmet schools around the world, including the ones in Texas. In fact, 99% of Hizmet schools give education to a diverse population, where the remainder of these schools lie generally in Canada. There is therefore injustice, and an unwise and inequitable decision for Catholic schools to receive government funding in Canada, while all other schools are not eligible for it. The Hizmet Movement of Canada cannot reach its education goal within a socially constructed structure because political and economical resources are not available in Canada.
As a matter of fact, Conservative John Tory lost the election on December 10, 2007, since he had promised to spend $400 million to fully fund Jewish, Hindu, Muslim and other religious schools provided they follow the provincial curriculum and comply with Ontario’s educational regulations. Currently, Catholic schools are the only religious schools to be publicly funded, which has been the case since about 15 years before Confederation in 1867. The Conservatives, Liberals and NDPs support continuing on with the status quo, while the Green Party wants funding for Catholic schools abolished and replaced with one public system for French and one for English. Liberal Premier Dalton McGuinty is against segregating Canadian children according to their faith, attempting to justify his position by mentioning that he ―cannot
jeopardize social cohesion in multiculturalism in Ontario‖ (Delaney, 2007). The movement can use a strategic tactic to legitimate its actions by using the knowledge that the UNHCR declared in 1999 that funding Ontario’s Catholic schools to the exclusion of all others is discriminatory and violates the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

The Hizmet Movement of Canada has survived from a socially constructed and racialized condition with its participants‘ commitments. The Resource Mobilization Theory stipulates that individuals engage in collective action out of the calculation of necessity and effectiveness, though they may participate in such action for reasons other than mere calculation, for instance for such benefits as being in the inclusion of altruism, enlightened self-interest, compassion, religious conviction and ideological commitment (Edward and McCarthy, 2004:120). The Hizmet Movement has changed its tactics and involved some social programs to reduce poverty in Canada and abroad. One of the sister organizations of the movement, the Dicle Islamic Society has allied with the Bosnian Toronto Community and organized together a ―Moral Values‖ competition amongst middle and high school students. The donation campaign was organized for Pakistan and Haiti after the earthquakes in 2006 and 2010 for distributing food, clothing, materials, supplies and other types of necessities, and money was collected for poor African countries such as Madagascar, Malawi, and Mozambique in 2007, 2008, 2009 and 2010 (Dicle Islamic Society, 2011).

These organizations have connected and allied with the Helping Hands Relief Foundation (HHRF) that is committed to improve individual and community lives at both a local and a global scale. The Dicle Islamic Society has also contacted with the chaplain services of Ontario to provide on a voluntary basis Chaplain Services in jails, hospitals and to those who are in need. These programs diffused from the Hizmet Movement of Texas‘s successful model from which new tactics and programs were borrowed and displayed the evidence to state that the Hizmet Movement of Canada needs to join in alliances and networks for success. This initiative should be taken to improve the movement‘s condition, although its organizations should begin to receive grants from the government or private resources despite the fear of losing independence status. This is a big debate, dilemma and contradiction for the future of the movement‘s success.

The Hizmet Movement of Canada uses every single one of several different political, economic and cultural opportunities, activities, and existing resources for mobilization in order to approach a rhetorical frame for support for its collective actions. I have observed that solidarity is a key tactic in this social movement and that, with the augmentation of conscious raising groups, the campaign for any social movement would be strengthened. Apparently, the upward scale shift operates a direct diffusion that passes different classes through individuals and groups, and plays a transitionary role through brokers throughout Canadian provinces. Tactics, political opportunities and shifts have relied on human rights instruments in the context of different campaigns to achieve the movement‘s objectives. However, the Dicle Society is unable to get franchise agreement with the HHRF to operate anti-poverty programs more effectively in Canada. Due to hiring limited paid or regular staff and relying on only volunteers, weaknesses and limitations for the Hizmet Movement of Canada have arisen. Volunteers might face inequality internally and need to have legitimacy and trusts that provide ongoing support and maintain the movement‘s solidarity and continuity of actions. The Dicle Society‘s actions are goal-oriented and built based on a fairly cohesive and homogeneous identity internally, which strengthens the physical and psychological interaction and, in turn, facilitates collective action. Profits are not the goal in international service projects. Neo-Marxist theorists hold that the representation of movements as largely homogeneous subjects is no longer feasible (Lofland,
1996: 177). Gross-roots organizations are often seen as weak, fractured and disorganized, and are prevented from getting the work done (Tang, 2005:51-56).The Dicle Society is registered as a Non-Governmental-Organization(NGO), although it is structured like a corporation with a board of directors, has by-laws, and is able to collect private donations without affiliation to the state of Canada. However, belonging to a community-based project or a service-network in the Hizmet Movement of Canada signifies the integration of an individual into a collective, de-centralized, democratic and volunteer-based anti-bureaucratic system where there are appropriate channels for the expression of claims, working more independently and sticking with core objectives. On the other hand, the main weakness at hand is that programs are unable to get or even seek government funding, as funds become a suspicious aspect to preventing the achievement of the Hizmet Movement‘s central goals.

The Hizmet Movement of Canada also focuses on disunity problems in Canada. Since 2005, with several other sisters of non-profit organizations and nine newly established branches throughout Canada, the Intercultural Dialog Institute (IDI) formed a new organization in 2010. The Canadian Interfaith Dialogue Center had changed its name from ‗Interfaith‘ to be replaced with ‗Intercultural‘ in 2008, and now has changed to ‗Institute‘ as a new tactic. The interfaith area has many limitations and biases related with discriminations and segregations in Canadian society. The unifying concept is fractured and fragmented within interfaith borders based on media, academia and bureaucrat perceptions. IDI‘s main purpose is to forge bounds of lasting friendship among diverse Canadians by identifying what it is that all Canadians have in common, by learning to appreciate and honour differences, and by collaborating on mutually led beneficial projects. The Hizmet Movement of Canada‘s division of labour is based on formal rules in institutionalized organizations, while, in relational networks, tasks are allocated in an informal manner, and mainly according to the skills that each member proves to possess and their willingness to contribute to projects. Team work and competition along with co-operation and consultation among service-projects are encouraged; competition between individuals is not. There is no official membership for those who do not belong the movement but rather support its collective action, and such participants‘ occupations are highly diverse and widespread from engineers, teachers, professors, doctors, and nurses to factory workers or business men. Neither newcomers nor existing participants are disintegrated, excluded or marginalized. Non-Turkish managers and directors can be seen in the Hizmet Movement of Texas, but not yet in Canada.

Moreover, this movement is supported at large by modest, but crucial financial contributions from members of the Turkish-Canadian community, although not from other nations or the Canadian government. This limitation causes less resource availability. Equal contributions are the generous contributions of time and talent by a huge number of volunteers dedicated to the movement‘s vision of a global human solidarity. Some of the activities that are held are dialogue and friendship dinners, talk series and seminars, neighbourhood visits, community-based dialogue programs, courses and learning activities and cultural events that reach out to Canadians, and as described, as short time goals (IDI, 2010). The movement has many non-profit organizations in Canada which promote respect and mutual understanding among all cultures and faiths through partnership with other communities and cultural, religious and interreligious organizations by organizing educational and cultural activities, such as seminars, conferences, discussion panels, luncheons, interfaith family dinners and cultural exchange trips, with the aim to eliminate or reduce false stereotypes, prejudices and unjustified fears through direct human communication as median term goals (IDI, 2011). The movement defends the position that a discussion on cultural differences does not have to digress into confusion, fighting, and anarchy. On the contrary, real peace can be achieved by sharing different perspectives by listening to each other through the sphere of love, respect, tolerance, mercy, and compassion, which will be the solution to end capitalism. This target is a long-term target and takes time to be achieved. I suggest that government grants have no conflict or threat for the autonomy principle of the movement because new tactics allow legitimating what the movement offers, unifying Canadian identity (Tang, 2005: 54).


In conclusion, the Hizmet Movement has found its own interest for solidarity and established mutual bonds between cultures, collaborated with visible and invisible networks at the international level in its counterparts, and fought back against capitalism in a common way, opposing American consumerism similar to the way of Situtionists, although without violence and cultural jamming methods. The Hizmet Movement of Canada has been demonstrated as a civil, moral, and holistic engagement and shows a social altruistic model as a non-governmental organization, and offers non-political and non-violent enforcements which complete the gap between the national state goals of Canada and individuals by providing the solutions to ignorance, hopelessness and disunity. The Hizmet Movement targets the real humanization of people and share of common goals for all humanity through educational, social and cultural projects, and it has created many sustainable organizations which have been transformed to revolutionary collective action wherein individuals commit themselves to their work, while removing egoism from individuals to build a trust that is strongly possessive to the consciousness to engage in and solve somebody else‘s struggles (Freire, 1993: 36-42).
Frame alignments, gender segregations, frame extensions, transformations of new ideas, public representations and cultural innovations are still limitations and weaknesses of the Hizmet Movement of Canada, whereas collective action and the collective conscious have become strongly identified with the movement, although it is unlikely that Marx and Engels predicted that the collective identity can be replaced with the class or collective consciousness (Bantjies, 2007: 161-163). I strongly claim that the movement will be able to cope with the identity crisis, internal colonization, state interference, cultural politics and international world order to establish stable organizations in Canada and abroad. However, the Hizmet Movement of Canada has some limitations to expand its inside and outside resources, and such limitations have caused the failure to adapt to numerous Canadian social programs and access available government and private grants or funds, and in turn have caused the movement in Canada the inability to hire more paid staff to operate existing programs efficiently. Gülen is a charismatic leader, but he has chosen to be a servant leader, as he has offered a decentralized power structure and given power and autonomy to local organization forms, choices and decisions that are made by the local leaders of the movement.
The Hizmet Movement does not need to have an umbrella organization to co-ordinate or rebuild a coalition of various NGOs for lobbying or collecting resources, since already some of its sister organizations have formed formal chains of institutions that are not centralized or heavily bureaucratic (Cetin, 2009: 203). This can be seen as an advantage for the short term, although the movement needs to establish more of a hierarchical structure for achieving its long-term goals. Gülen believes in the integrity of the individual; his approach to social restoration and peace building, therefore, is one of the “bottom-up” social change that is similar to Durkheim and the famous Muslim sociologist Ibn Khaldun’s understanding of building peace through the willingness of the individual to subordinate the group (Saritoprak, 2007). I do believe in the individual responsibility within social actions and oppose structurelessness because any social movement or organization should have some systemic structure for moving forward towards further development. The one area that is still problematic in terms of the lack of modernization in the movement is one that Ebaugh and Turam who have mentioned the attitudes towards the role of women in the world. Women are seldom seen as public figures in the movement, either in key positions, public events or of the dominant employee grouping in the movement‘s institutions. Women cannot stay in their tradition roles anymore, however, such as childcare, housekeeping and cooking as the movement adapts to other broader cultures. The movement has become more worldwide and less Turkish over the last two decades, as it has spread to modern, industrialized countries such as Canada and will be faced with the challenge of redefining the role of women (Ebaugh, 2010: 121).
As a result, Gülen and the Hizmet Movement of Canada insist to follow the non-violent strategy that through education, openness and inclusion, empowerment over oppressors is possible; this strategy resembles Freire’s pedagogical method of having the consistency and richness of the types of interaction between many individuals on a multi-scale, and of having strong multiple affiliations that result in an adaptive, spontaneous, and self-organizing network. Such a network should also consist of representative leaders generated from people‘s organizations through the bottom-up approach. Participants need to share the culture of Canada and be recognized individually as social and collective actors, as the identity of the movement is integrative to the current system rather than alienated. In fact, any forced identity is vulnerable, risky and does not quarantine continuity and stability. This is why the Hizmet Movement of Canada does not impose any identity and avoids meeting reactions and defensiveness. Degrees of transparency and visibility in this movement can further be defined through the public availability of information in virtual spaces, and through participants‘ social actions that have been using public spaces, although the movement needs to open its borders to academia to investigate for more inclusive and further empirical research.
Ash-Garner, R. and M. Zald (1987) ‗The Political Economy of Social Movement Sector,‘ in Social movements in an organizational society : collected essays edited by Mayer Zald and John McCarthy (1987): 293–317. Reader
Akbar, S. Ahmed. (2009). Foreword to ―The Gulen Movement: Civic Service without Borders‖ Blue Dome Press, Xi.
Alinsky, Saul. Rules for Radicals.
Bantjes, Rod. Chapter 2. State and Co-operative Movements, Social Movements In A Global Context. Toronto : Canadian Scholars Inc, 2007. Print, 41-66
Bantjes, R. 2007. Chapter 3, Movement innovations in the 1960s – Resource mobilization, Social Movements In A Global Context. Toronto : Canadian Scholars Inc, 2007. Print, 67-100
Bantjes, R. 2007. Chapter 4, Resistance to State Terror, Social Movements In A Global Context. Toronto : Canadian Scholars Inc, 2007. Print, 101-134
Bantjes, R. 2007. Chapter 5, Culture and the Politics of Identity, Social Movements In A Global Context. Toronto : Canadian Scholars Inc, 2007. Print, 135-168
Bantjes, R. 2007. Chapter 6, Bureaucratization and Anarchist Resistance, Social Movements In A Global Context. Toronto : Canadian Scholars Inc, 2007. Print, 169-190
Bantjes, R. 2007. Chapter 12, In search of Global Public Space, Social Movements In A Global Context. Toronto : Canadian Scholars Inc, 2007. Print, 350-381
Cetin, Muhammed. (2009). ―The Gulen Movement: Civic Service without Borders,‖ Blue Dome Press, Xxii, 104, 107, 167, 225, 229.
Daum, Mattihies, 2010. Translated from the German by John Bergeron. An Alternative to Fundamentalism: Another Interview with Helen Rose Ebaugh. Editor: Aingeal Flanagan/ . Accessed on December 21, 2010 and retrieved from
Delaney, Joan. 2007. Religious Schools Funding Debate Rages as Ontario Election Nears. The Epoch Times, published on September 28, 2007 and available at
Ebaugh, Helen Rose. (2010). The Gülen Movement: A Sociological Analysis of a Civic Movement Rooted in Moderate Islam, Springer Press, p 7-8.
Edwards, B& McCarthy, J.D. (2004) Resources and Social Movement Mobilization. Blackwell, 116-52
Freire, Paulo. 1993. Pedagogy of the Oppressed, York University, Chapter 1, 26-51.
Harvey, David. 2005. The new Imperialism. Oxford University Press. Paper edition, p 34, 135,137, 22
Jolly, Stephen. (2010). The Gulen Movement. Department of Sociology, Old Dominion University, accessed on 27 November 2010 at
Klein, Naomi (2007). The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism. Publisher Metro, 24
Marx, Karl. 1978. The Secret of Primitive Accumulation‖ in Capital, Vol 1, Publsiher Penguen, pp 148.
Nil Academy School. 2011.
Lofland, J. (1996) Social Movement Organizations: Guide to Research on Insurgent Realities. New York: Aldine De Gruyter.
Marx, K. and Engles, F. 1986. The Communist Manifesto. Canadian Scholars Press, 93-99, 21.
Perlmeter, Rosemary. 2011. State cannot afford to shortchange public education. Dallas Business Journal, published on January 28, 2011, available at
Robbins , Richard H. (2008). Global Problems and the Culture of Capitalism, Fifth Edition, The Nation-State in the Culture of Capitalism, Hunger, Poverty and Economic Development, Religion and Anti-systemic Protest, Pearson Publisher, p 313
Saritoprak, Zeki. (2007). Fethullah Gülen and His Global Contribution to Peace Building. “Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement” was held at SOAS University of London, House of Lords and London School of Economics on 25-27 October, 2007.
Smith, Morgan. 2011. Lawmakers May Come to Charter Schools‘ Aid
The New York Times, published on February 19, 2011, available at
Tang, Eric. 2005.―Non-Profits and the Autonomous Grassroots‖ from The Revolution Will Not Be Funded. Left Turn, no 18, 51-57
The Dicle Islamic Society. 2011.
The Intercultural Dialogue Institute (IDI). 2011.
Turam, Berna. (2001). ―Between Islam and the State: The Engagements between Gulen Community and the Secular Turkish State‖, unpublished PhD in McGill University., p i
Weber, Max. 1930. The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism‖ in the Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, pp 67-77.